
This morning, FBI agents raided the home of John Bolton—former National Security Advisor, lifelong Republican, and one of the most establishment figures in American foreign policy. His crime? Writing a book critical of Donald Trump and opposing the president’s surrender summit with Vladimir Putin. The justification? A “national security investigation in search of classified records”—the same bureaucratic language once used to investigate Trump’s actual document theft, now weaponized against Trump’s critics.
We are no longer operating under constitutional government. We are witnessing its systematic dismantlement by the very people sworn to preserve it. This is what constitutional collapse looks like in real time—not dramatic overthrow or military coups, but the patient corruption of every institution designed to constrain power until they serve only to protect it.
Nobody wants to admit this reality because admitting it requires confronting what it means for everything else we’ve assumed about American democracy. But that comfort is a luxury we can no longer afford. The Bolton raid isn’t an aberration—it’s observable evidence that we’ve already crossed the line from constitutional republic to authoritarian protection racket.
The Bitter Irony of False Equivalence
There’s a devastating irony in Bolton becoming one of the first high-profile victims of Trump’s weaponized Justice Department. Throughout the 2024 election, Bolton and many establishment figures operated from the “anti-anti-Trump” position—treating both candidates as equally flawed, seeing no meaningful moral distinction between Kamala Harris and Donald Trump, flattening existential differences into ordinary political disagreements.
Bolton couldn’t bring himself to endorse Harris despite understanding perfectly well what Trump represented. Like so many sophisticated voices, he was too committed to maintaining his independent credibility to make the obvious moral choice that democratic survival required. He performed the elaborate intellectual gymnastics necessary to avoid acknowledging the clear distinction between a candidate committed to constitutional governance and one openly promising to dismantle it.
Now Bolton experiences personally the constitutional crisis he refused to prevent politically. The FBI agents who ransacked his home weren’t rogue actors—they were following orders from an administration he couldn’t oppose when it mattered. His decades of public service, his genuine expertise, his legitimate policy concerns—none of it protected him once he crossed the regime he helped normalize through sophisticated neutrality.
This pattern extends far beyond Bolton. Across the political spectrum, intelligent people convinced themselves the stakes weren’t really that high, that institutions would constrain Trump’s worst impulses, that the “adults in the room” would prevent constitutional catastrophe. The anti-anti-Trump stance provided permission structure for millions of Americans to vote for authoritarianism while telling themselves they were making a normal political choice.
By flattening the moral difference between Harris and Trump, these voices enabled the very outcome they claimed to fear. Harris represented continuity with constitutional governance—flawed and frustrating, but operating within democratic frameworks. Trump represented systematic destruction of constitutional governance—openly promising to weaponize federal power and eliminate civil service protections. These weren’t equivalent positions requiring sophisticated analysis to distinguish.
The Propaganda Function of “Objectivity”
The most insidious aspect of this false equivalence is how it masquerades as intellectual sophistication while functioning as authoritarian propaganda. When someone with a platform responds to Trump’s systematic weaponization of federal law enforcement by invoking the “Biden Crime Family,” they’re not demonstrating objectivity—they’re selling surrender.
What exactly is the “Biden Crime Family”? Hunter’s laptop? Business dealings investigated by Republican committees for years that produced no criminal charges? Meanwhile, we have documented evidence of Trump selling pardons, accepting foreign bribes, conducting government business at his properties, and now using the FBI as his personal revenge service. These aren’t comparable phenomena requiring balanced analysis—they’re manufactured distractions designed to normalize actual criminality through false equivalence.
When public figures invoke “both sides” rhetoric during an active constitutional crisis, they’re not rising above partisanship—they’re providing cover for the side that systematically benefits from confusion and paralysis. They’re giving their audience permission to remain passive while democracy dies, to treat the collapse of constitutional government as just another partisan disagreement where reasonable people stay neutral.
This sophisticated-sounding neutrality serves the same function as “just asking questions” or “maintaining balance”—rhetorical devices that sound reasonable but provide cover for unreasonable things. The “Biden Crime Family” talking point in response to the Bolton raid essentially argues: “Well, both sides weaponize law enforcement, so this is just normal political hardball.” But one side investigated actual evidence through proper channels, while the other raids former officials for writing books critical of the president.
Authoritarians don’t need everyone to support them actively—they just need enough people to remain confused and passive while they capture the machinery of state. When people with influence treat constitutional governance and authoritarian rule as equivalent, they’re not maintaining objectivity—they’re actively participating in the normalization of authoritarianism.
The Observable Reality of Systematic Collapse
We need to stop pretending this is normal politics conducted by unusual means. The evidence of constitutional collapse surrounds us daily: the executive branch operates through fake emergency declarations to bypass Congressional authority. Trump conducts trade policy through personal decree, ignoring constitutional requirements for legislative approval. The Supreme Court creates immunity doctrines that place presidents above accountability. Congress suspends its own procedures to avoid constitutional duties.
Federal law enforcement has become a revenge machine targeting political opponents while providing protection services for regime loyalists. ICE operates as domestic surveillance apparatus building algorithmic dossiers on American citizens. The FBI raids critics while ignoring documented crimes by allies. The Justice Department empanels grand juries to investigate Barack Obama while dropping cases against Trump.
This is the systemic destruction of a government constrained by law. Not merely political dysfunction. The people orchestrating this understand exactly what they’re building: a protection racket masquerading as constitutional government, where loyalty determines legal consequences and opposition becomes criminal activity.
The Bolton raid demonstrates this logic perfectly. FBI Director Kash Patel, Trump’s personal enforcer now wearing federal authority, tweeted “NO ONE is above the law” while his agents searched the home of a man whose crime was exercising First Amendment rights. Attorney General Pam Bondi amplified: “America’s safety isn’t negotiable. Justice will be pursued. Always.” This is justice as theater, law enforcement as performance art, federal power as instrument of personal revenge.
The Criminal Gang Psychology
Understanding why this is happening requires recognizing the psychological profile of those now controlling federal power. This isn’t ideological conservatism—it’s criminal gang logic applied to democratic institutions. Trump and his inner circle operate from the understanding that losing power means criminal prosecution, financial ruin, and potential imprisonment. They’ve crossed lines that can’t be uncrossed, built a protection racket that can only survive through permanent control.
This creates inexorable authoritarian escalation: every abuse requires greater abuses to protect perpetrators from accountability. They can’t allow fair elections because fair elections might remove them from power. They can’t permit independent institutions because independent institutions might hold them accountable. They can’t tolerate criticism because criticism might expose their criminality.
Bolton’s criticism of Trump’s Putin summit wasn’t just political disagreement—it was evidence of Trump’s collaboration with foreign adversaries. So Bolton becomes a target, his criticism gets reframed as national security threat, his First Amendment rights get treated as potential espionage. This is how authoritarian systems eliminate opposition: not through dramatic suppression but through systematic redefinition of opposition as criminal activity.
Foreign governments have already begun adjusting to American institutional collapse. Our allies no longer assume constitutional consistency between administrations. Our enemies understand that American institutions provide no reliable constraint on presidential power. We’ve become the unstable democracy, the unreliable partner, the country that can’t maintain basic constitutional coherence.
The Failure of Institutional Faith
The tragic failure of American political discourse has been persistent belief that institutions would somehow constrain authoritarian power through their own inherent logic. Sophisticated commentators assured us that courts would enforce constitutional limits, that Congress would exercise oversight, that federal agencies would maintain independence.
This institutional faith ignored the basic reality that institutions are only as strong as the people running them and the culture supporting them. When authoritarian actors capture institutional positions, they don’t become constrained by institutional norms—they use institutional power to eliminate constraining norms.
The Supreme Court didn’t resist authoritarian power—it provided legal justification through immunity doctrines. Congress didn’t maintain oversight—it suspended procedures to avoid accountability votes. Federal agencies didn’t preserve independence—they became instruments of political revenge. Career civil servants didn’t resist illegal orders—they were systematically replaced by loyalists.
Bolton exemplified this institutional faith. Despite understanding Trump’s authoritarian tendencies, despite witnessing his contempt for democratic constraints, Bolton couldn’t recognize that institutional preservation required choosing sides rather than maintaining sophisticated neutrality. The anti-anti-Trump position assumed democratic institutions were self-preserving, that constitutional government would survive even if good people refused to defend it actively.
The Permission Structure for Fascism
Perhaps the most damaging aspect of sophisticated false equivalence was how it provided permission structure for people who wanted to support authoritarianism while maintaining their self-image as reasonable citizens. By treating Trump and Harris as equivalent threats to democracy, these voices made voting for fascism seem like a normal political choice.
This required systematic denial of observable reality. The choice wasn’t between competing policy preferences but between constitutional preservation and constitutional destruction. It was clear to anyone willing to see it clearly—but clarity threatened the comfortable position of those who valued their reputation for independence more than their obligation to defend democracy.
Every “both sides are bad” argument, every “I can’t support either candidate” position, every “Trump might shake things up in a good way” rationalization served the same function: providing psychological cover for an authoritarian choice. The result was a permission structure that allowed millions to vote for authoritarian rule while telling themselves they were making a protest vote against liberal excess.
The sophistication became moral blindness. Deep understanding of policy complexity, appreciation for institutional nuance, commitment to maintaining credibility across partisan divides—all of it prevented recognition that complexity becomes complicity when the fundamental choice isn’t about policy sophistication but basic moral courage.
What Emergency Response Looks Like
Recognizing constitutional collapse doesn’t mean accepting it as inevitable. But it requires abandoning the comfort of normal politics for the difficulty of emergency response. It means understanding that procedural niceties become complicity when procedures themselves have been corrupted, that institutional loyalty becomes betrayal when institutions have been captured.
The choice facing every American is no longer between policy preferences but between democratic restoration and authoritarian consolidation. This choice can’t be avoided through sophisticated neutrality or above-the-fray positioning. There is no middle ground between constitutional government and authoritarian rule, no reasonable center between accountability and impunity.
The people who called this prediction alarmist are watching it unfold in real time. The reasonable voices who assured us institutions would hold are witnessing those institutions weaponized against their own principles. The sophisticated commentators who treated both sides as equivalent are learning that equivalence was always a lie designed to make fascism seem reasonable.
When when of these “objective commentators” invokes “Biden Crime Family” rhetoric in response to this constitutional collapse, they’re not maintaining objectivity—they’re selling passivity. They’re telling their audience there’s no meaningful difference between constitutional governance and authoritarian rule, that all political actors are equally corrupt, that resistance is pointless because everyone’s the same.
This sophisticated-sounding propaganda functions to make people complicit in their own subjugation. The tragic irony is that these voices often genuinely believe they’re serving democracy by maintaining their “independence”—but when the stakes are democratic survival itself, neutrality becomes a choice to let democracy die.
The Reality We Must Face
Two plus two equals four. There are twenty-four hours in a day. And what we’re witnessing isn’t normal politics but the systematic transformation of American government from constitutional republic to authoritarian protection racket.
The Bolton raid is declaration that there are no more neutral corners, no more institutional protections, no more assumptions that patriotic service grants immunity from political persecution. It’s proof that opposition becomes treason, criticism becomes espionage, constitutional rights become privileges granted or revoked based on political loyalty.
We are inside constitutional collapse. Nobody wants to admit it because admitting it requires confronting what it means for everything else. But reality doesn’t care about our comfort level with acknowledging it. The circus has become a hunt, and sophisticated neutrality won’t protect anyone from becoming prey.
The question is whether we’ll recognize this reality in time to respond to it, or whether we’ll keep pretending it’s normal politics while sophisticated voices sell us passivity disguised as objectivity. Constitutional government as we’ve known it is already gone. What matters now is whether enough of us will abandon the luxury of false equivalence for the necessity of emergency response.
Remember what’s real. Reject the propaganda of sophistication. Choose resistance over passivity.
The wire has been cut. The dance is over. And the time for comfortable neutrality ended the moment FBI agents knocked on John Bolton’s door.
Enough with the backhanded compliments and hindsight, justified as they may be.
I’m hoping that the DOJ’s overt action will be enough to push Bolton into coming out blazing with all the guns of his considerable intellect. He’s exactly the kind of Republican we need for the resistance. Former statesmen of the world unite!
Bolton’s personality is not a sanguine one. He’s not going to be at all calm about the Regime’s home invasion.
Mike, I have long appreciated your analyses of where we are and how we got here and could not agree more with the breadth of those many analyses. There was and continues to be an abject failure by so many who should know better to have stood up while the election was supposedly in doubt and challenged the Trump narrative. That said, I believed then and continue to hold to the belief that speaking truth to power before the election would have made no difference in its outcome. Whether it was the surgical application of Musk’s money, fraud at the ballot box or simply a failure of Harris and the Democratic Party to both get out its message or understand the extent to which the MAGA movement and its benefactors had mastered social media and its ability to control the narrative, Trump was going to be elected last November. Once in office, the “where we are today” story was already written and the ability to stop its metastasis simply a fever dream. Stopping the spread of authoritative rule…holding Trump and his acolytes accountable… requires a branch of government willing and able to stand up, push back and effectively constrain. That is simply not happening and will not be happening anytime soon. The House and Senate abdicate their constitutional obligations. The DoJ, rather than standing for constitutional constraint, flaunt without embarrassment any attempt by anyone, in government and outside government to object…to expose and to cry out “J’accuse” as is the case with Mr. Bolton. Instead of the rule of law we have the rule of retribution, supported by a federal agencies (FBI, DEA, etc.) which joyfully join in the feeding fest rather than standing against the abuse. The Courts have putatively stood as a bulwark against the abuse only to be slapped down by a Supreme Court bench which has mastered the art of rendering decisions in secret (it’s so-called “Emergency Docket”) that have devastating effect on the country and its future without feeling any obligation (or perhaps better characterized as courage) to explain why they are so willing to join in a feeding frenzy which, with each passing day, makes the Court’s role superfluous. Perhaps we can count on the military to hold fast to our traditions and stand by the Constitution? Ah…no.
I wish I could see a way out of this. For my sake and the sake of my children and grandchildren I wish it were otherwise. I understand that as a country we have gone through similar periods of division and violence beginning with the fight between Federalists and Republicans in Jefferson’s time that nearly brought the government down and the violence of and the lead up to the Civil War. In both instances the divisions seemed insurmountable and, in the case of the Civil War, nearly was. Perhaps what we are seeing today is just another spasm of political violence that has shaken the country before. I would differ the Heather Richardson on that.
Regrettably I think not. There is an inevitability to all this that makes it hard to not think otherwise. Is resistance futile (as the Borg would say). It is certainly necessary and must continue but is it enough.